Andhare Alleges Chakankar Stayed With Kharat In Guwahati

A hotel room can become a political battlefield when the case already carries fear, money, and power.

That is where Maharashtra’s latest storm now sits. Sushma Andhare has claimed that Rupali Chakankar stayed for three days at a Guwahati hotel with Ashok Kharat, the man facing several serious cases.

Chakankar has denied any link with Kharat. Andhare has now challenged that denial, asking whether Chakankar and her sister were with him at Hotel Blue Radisson.

Andhare sharpens attack on Chakankar

Andhare, a senior leader from Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), made the allegation through a Facebook post. She said Chakankar’s denial does not match what has now surfaced about the Guwahati stay.

Her charge is politically explosive for one simple reason. Chakankar is not just another party worker. She has served as chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women and held a senior post in the NCP women’s wing.

That public role matters. When a former women’s commission chief gets linked, even by allegation, to a case involving women’s abuse, the politics becomes sharper and uglier.

Andhare also asked whether Chakankar’s sister, Pratibha Chakankar, was present during the alleged stay. That question now keeps the focus on who was with Kharat, when, and why.

Kharat case grows darker

Kharat’s case is not a normal political scandal. Police are probing a long list of complaints against him, including allegations of sexual assault, cheating, superstition-related offences, and illegal money lending.

Investigators say Kharat used fear, claims of divine power, and rituals to exploit women. These are not small accusations. They go to the heart of how vulnerable people can be trapped by faith, fear, and social shame.

For many families, such cases are especially hard to report. Victims often face pressure at home, questions from neighbours, and humiliation online. That is why the police paperwork matters here.

A special investigation team has already filed detailed chargesheets in the first two assault cases. Police recorded statements from 105 witnesses and submitted more than 2,000 pages of documents.

That tells us the case has moved beyond gossip. The court will now examine evidence, witness accounts, documents, electronic material, and the wider pattern alleged by police.

SIT tracks 18 cases

The probe began moving under a special investigation team from March 20, 2026, after orders from Maharashtra’s Director General of Police. The team includes senior officers and 24 police personnel.

Police records show 18 cases against Kharat across Nashik and Ahilyanagar districts. Of these, eight relate to alleged sexual assault. Others cover cheating, the anti-superstition law, money lending rules, and related offences.

The first case was registered on March 17, 2026. The second followed on March 21 at Sarkarwada police station. Nine cases are now with the SIT, including eight assault cases and one cheating case.

Three cases are in Ahilyanagar, three in Nashik city, two in Nashik rural, and one with Thane police. That spread shows the case was not limited to one police station or one locality.

The digital trail is also large. Authorities have removed 13,175 links carrying objectionable videos. They have permanently blocked 451 social media accounts for posting objectionable material.

This part matters for ordinary people. Once such material spreads online, victims suffer a second punishment. The legal case may move in court, but the internet can keep reopening wounds.

ED angle raises stakes

The Enforcement Directorate has also entered the wider picture. Chakankar has been called for questioning over alleged financial irregularities linked to the case.

That does not mean guilt. A summons means investigators want answers. But in politics, an ED notice rarely stays quiet. It quickly becomes a question of money, influence, and who knew whom.

This is where the case moves into a larger public trust issue. If Kharat used religious fear to control people, investigators must ask who gave him access, cover, or credibility.

That does not require wild claims. It requires dates, hotel records, financial entries, phone data, and statements under law. If Andhare’s allegation is correct, the Guwahati stay will need a paper trail.

For Chakankar, the challenge is now bigger than issuing a denial. She must deal with the political damage from the claim and the legal process around the ED questioning.

For the NCP, the timing is uncomfortable. A leader linked to women’s issues facing questions in a case involving alleged abuse of women creates a difficult public image.

Politics meets public faith

Maharashtra has seen many self-styled spiritual figures build local influence. Some run small circles. Some gain followers across districts. A few get close to politicians, business people, and officials.

That is where danger begins. Once political access gives a man social status, ordinary people may stop asking hard questions. They assume someone powerful must have checked him.

Kharat’s case appears to sit inside that familiar pattern. Police say he used superstition, fear, and ritual claims. Those tools work best when victims feel trapped and alone.

The anti-superstition law exists for exactly this reason. It tries to stop people from using blind faith to cheat, control, or harm others. But law often arrives late, after damage has already been done.

The political fight between Andhare and Chakankar may grab headlines. Yet the core story remains the women who came forward, the evidence police collected, and the court process ahead.

The next few weeks will show whether Andhare’s Guwahati allegation becomes a documented fact or remains a political charge. For ordinary readers, the lesson is colder and simpler. When power, faith, and money mix without scrutiny, the weakest people usually pay first.